The Cuban rebellion

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TIE CUBAN REBELLION,

ITS HISTORY, GOVEfUfrMENT, RESOURCES,

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GENERAL NAPOLEON ARANGO

TO HIS OOUNTRTMIIN IN AJEIMS.

CUBANS !

When Carlos Manuel de Cespedes thought
of raising the cry of Independence, and ex-
pected the other cities of the Island to
second him, he received, as a reply, from
the jurisdiction of Holguin and Puerto Prin-
cipe, that thfy would not support him ; and
the Cinco Villas and other towns maintained
an attitude of expectancy. Notwithstanding
this, Cespedes said that he had no need of
the remainder and that he ivould pronounce
on the 14th. of October, as ke did in fact,
bat some what in advance of that date.
Having so many reasons, as I have, to know
the country, as well as the character and
tendencies of its inhabitants; and also
what Spain would do and what was to be
expected of the people on the Island : know-
ing, moreover, the policy of the United
States and the effects as well as the conse-
quences that must follow a revolution,
especiably when it was an extemporaneous
outburst j and being convinced, besides,
ik&if %l\viiig-- iur VLo Iicterugfcxit;Ou« ijaluie of
our population and to the Utile enlightenment
of tne masses, nothing but extermination,
could be expected for Cuba, I took part in
framing the reply given to Cespedes by
Puerto-Principe, stating that, since he took
pains to carry out so wicked an idea, he should
not be seconded by us ; and we made him
responsible before posterity, for the evils
which he was about to bring on Cuba.

Cespedes and his inexperienced fellow-
believers proclaimed Independence at Yara,
without any supply of arms or munitions of
war, without provisions, clothing, &c, &c,
with which to support their movement.
Ignorant of what revolution is, they laun-
ched forth just like children who heedlessly
play with a wild beast, in entire ignorance
of its nature. The first moment of enthus-
iasm, on the part of the peoble, and of sur-
prise, on the part of Government, gave them
the victory at Bayamo ; and they at once
thought that the Independence of Cuba was
already secured. This was a fatal error, a
sad illusion, which blunted their common
sense and gave loose rein to their passions.
It was the fatal error of those men who had
not sufficient strength of will to be able to
wait. Ah! how fatal it is not to know
when to await !

The Camagiieyanos were aroused at the
enthusiastic shout for liberty, and they
wished to help their brethren of Bayamo,
driven on by a sentiment of fraternity and
by their yet stronger love of liberty ; — that
noble aspiration which God has imbued
in the hearts of all men. I shared not in
these desires, although I did really in their
sentiments, but I was restrained by expe-
rience and by my knowledge of the situa-
tion! mm Anxious to be of service to my coun-
try,'.!. Offered to go to Bayamo as a repre-
sentative from Puerto Principe, which I
did***

F/om my first steps into the Eastern De-
partment, I was convinced of the error into
..^tffeh the people had fallen, and the impos-
swility of keeping up so unequal a contest.
Moreover, after studying the revolution and
sounding the feelings of the people, I dis-
covered that they did not desire the move-
ment but had been dragged into it j without
noticing, in the beginning, owing to their
blind precipitation, that they were not pre-
pared to secure a successful issue.

In some private circles I spoke of the
propriety of changing the cry for Indepen- /
dence into an acceptation of the Cadiz pro-
gramme ; — an idea which was tvell received
and seemed so to change the course of affairs,
that I ran a great risk, being threaten-
ed by the few who persisted in their original

intention. I spoke to Cespedes and made
known to him the untimeliness of the revo-
lution ; that if he really desired the wel-
fare of Cuba, this latter consisted in with-
drawing from a war that must be ruinous
and unsuccessful in the end ; that the liber-
ties offered in the Cadiz programme were
perhaps even more than tvould suit Cuba, &c,
&c. Cespedes, convinced by my reasoning
agreed to my proposals ; and if he then fail-
ed to follow my advice it was, to use his
own words, because he feared that he would
not be obeyed by those who had already
proclaimed for Independence. They did
not understand the true policy that should
be followed in the guidance of naMons.
They began badly and will end worse.

On my return to Puerto Principe I found
the country in insurrection, dragged on by
two or three men who were led wrong by
their ill-digested ideas of liberty or by their
own private interest, and whose only wish
was revolution in whatever way it could bee
brought about. I grieved at litis mistake, but]
nilWi±t' lvbiiig heart ; aiiu,~ aiway&*fl•rIIr4l^ ,
advancing the prosperity of Cuba, I called
a meeting which was held at Clavellinas.
There I made known the result of my ob-
servations during my trip to Bayamo ; and,
after some discussions, the force of my ar-
guments prevailed. With one exception, all
agreed that we should adhere to the Cadis
programme. I was afterwards appointed Ge-
neral-in-Chief with especial charge (thus
was it set forth in the record) that I should
have an interview with General Valmaseda
for the purpose noted above.

In a conversation with that gentleman, he
manifested the best of intentions in favor of
a pacification but stated that he was not
empowered, hy his government, to make
any concession. He offered, nevertheless, to
grant effectual ones, so soon as he could
obtain the power. He called my attention
to this j that whatever the liberties which
should be granted to Cuba, the rights of the
Cubans would have to be regarded as at-
tacked, if they did not send representatives,
to have a hand in everything that might be
done in regard to this country.

I knew too well the reasons of General
Valmaseda, but fearing that my fellow-
countrymen might not seize the force of his
reasoning, we agreed upon a truce of four
days, which I requested, in order to call
another meeting more numerous, and one
which should decide upon the matter. This
meeting tookplace at Las Minas ; and there,
as well as at Clavellinas, the majority was
— not for a continuation of the war but for
accepting the Cadis programme,^ Had a vote
been taken, it is certain that this choice
would have carried; but I refrained from
calling a vote in order to be consistent with
the Caunao district, which had made known,
through its delegate, Don Carlos L. Mola
(Junior) that it wished to have no voting ;
because, in case thereof, they would be
bound to its result ; and that district was
only in favor of accepting whatever the go-
vernment chose to grant them.

An immense majority was in favor of the
programme ; and, nevertheless, the war was
kept up, because those, bent upon it, spared
no means nor suggestion to entice away
those in favor of the Cadiz programme. That
is to say, that, taking advantage of family
ties, of friendships, and of an ill compre-
hended association, &c, &c, they dragged
along with them the univary and the inex
perienced, who were then reluctant enough
and who now know their error. As I never
wished to force upon any one (not even on
my own brothers) my own ideas, nor to
make use of any other means than persua-
sion, in accordance with reason, I confined

myself to simply resigning the rank that
hid been conferred on me and withdrew to
nty plantation. From that time forward, I
bfisied myself merely with enlightening the
people, showing them the mistakes into
Thich they were led by those who were
interested in the continuance of the war.

I have not sought to impose my notions
«n i any one, but I do not, any the more, ac-
cept those of others, when my reason and
ray conscience reject them. And I believe
ihere is no right, [nor law, nor reason to

pport those who willingly, or through
whish to force upon others their own

eas, however good or holy these may be.
iThose who are at the head of the Cuban'

rernment and guide the revolution believe

eir triumph possible ; they think their

leas are correct and their way a good one.

^ r ery well ; but, not believing as they do, I

Move aside from tliat government, whose

essure and arbitrariness are such, that it

11 not even admit neutrality in others. I
] not wage war against you,* I will not
tip aims itgitiiiftt Jou, except ilk ""p'CTSo*
al defence ; but I separate from men who
wish to impose their own notions on others
through force. You are free to think and
-act as you like, and I reserve to myself the
same right, and act in accordance therewith.

But there is more. In the position where,
unfortunately and much against my will,
events have placed me, I occupy a place as
a public man, as a politician, in Cuban po-
litics • and I should not remain inactive
while I behold the destruction of Cuba, 2nd
look out merely for my personal safety
under the protection of the Spanish Govern-
ment. No, Gentlemen, I would then be a
bad patriot, and I love my country before
liberty, or rather I do not understand the
former piincipie as divorced from the latter.
Both are intimately tound together* and,
in order that the first be worthy, honorable
and beneficial to humanity, it cannot be se-
parated from the second.

I am a Cuban, the same as yourselves, and
I have consequently the same right to busy
myself with the welfare of my country. Let
every one have his method; you pretend
that you obey the popular will ; that you
are at the head of government, because of
the will of the people and popular choice :
that you act in conformity with ideas and
sentiments of the Cubans; and, finally, that
you are prcmoting the welfare and prosper-
ity of Cuba. J shall prove entirely the con-
trary.

The favorable reception, with which my
ideas were met at Bayamo, the meeting at
Clavellinas, that at Las Minas, and the
desire 3 — almost unanimous, — to accept the
concessions offered by General Dulce, prove
sufficiently that the country wanted peace;
nevertheless you maintain war. Hence,po-
pular suffrage in the country is but, a
chimera.

Let us see how the actual government was
formed. On the one tide, Carles Manuel de
Cespedes who, for himself and in his own
name, set himself up as the dictator of Cuba,
appointed a certain number of deputies for
the East, at the famous meeting in Guaima-
ro. That is a fine representation of popular
will and an admirable republic, when the
deputies are not elected by the people ! On
the other hand, ihe aepembly at Puerto
Principe, was illegally constituted and entirely
unauthorized j and, finally, seme deputies
ficm the Cinco Villas, — the only ones which
peihaps held a legitimate representation, —
met together and foirned the actual govern-
ment, which they should have called the
Venetian, rather than a Cuban Republic.
They loimtd the government by sharing
with each other the offices, and they propose

thus to shape the destiny of Cuba. A hand-
ful of men, thus representing over a million
souls, who have had no share in their nomi-
nation, does not assuredly constitute popu-
lar election.

The Cubans want the liberty of assem-
blage, freedom of speech, respect of proper-
ty, personal security, the liberty to leaTe
the territory of the Republic, — which is a
right secured in all nations of the world to
every individual ; they want, in fine, to be
governed as the majority choose, and riot
according to the will of a few. But nothing
of all this is done. Whoever puts forth*
ideas contrary to those of the government
or of any of its functionaries, is threatened
with four shots ; property is a prey to the
first comer, who, with arms in hand, can
take possession of what suits him ; the lives
of men are sported with, just as children
sport with flies: and in fine, whoever at-
temps to abandon the government, even
without intending to wage war on it, is
persecuted unto death. Hence the conduct
of ssid government is s^t ~ ¥& eeBfermity
with the ideas and sentiments of the coun-
try.

If to all this be added the arsons and the
complete destruction of Cuban wealth, the
demolition of towns and........ what must

follow in the end, can there be one sensible
man, who will maintain that all this consti-
tutes the prosperity and well-being of
Cuba $ Assuredly not.

You employ force, deceit terror, to drag
the masses on and carry out whatever you
judge beneficial for the cause of Cuba ; I
use only reason, truth, and the irresistible
logic of facts and of experience, not the
material argument of arms.

Well then, knowing as I do, that the
country does not want war and that it conti-
nues therein under the pressure of the
Cuban government, on the 'one hand and,
on the other, out of fear of the punishment
which the Spanish government might inflict;
knowing, as I do, that nothing is to be ex-
pected from the United States, as it was
attempted to make the people believe >
knowing that, since the beginning of the
Insurrection, 40,000 men have come from
Spain, and that many more will come — a fact
generally unknown in this country; aw^re r
as I am, that over 100,000 men are under
arms ; that the coasts are well watched, an*t
that the New York Junta lacks ressource**
to send material aid to the Insurrection ;
aware, moreover, that the Cuba, the Lillian,
the expedition of Goicouria and others are
lost resources ; that the Insurrection i*
almost stifled in the East and in the Cincu
Villas ; that in the Vuelta-Abajo, far from
there being any secessionists, it is the coun-
try-people themselves whe pursue thej-Hl-.
surgents, as has just taken place in GuineBj
knowing, as I do, that the families, to bj&J"
met with in the fields, are anxious to retura-;*
to the towns ; and aware of the importance**
attached to my conduct, both in the Island*;**
and abroad, 1 have made a new sacrifice ;•
fcr my country. I have come forward with
my family; to prove, by my example, that I
do not believe in the triumph of the insur-
rection, nor do I fear the Spanish govern-
ment; which, animated as it is with the
best of wishes, is ready to draw a veil over
the past, provided the country can lu paci-
fied and many tears, "much blood ajid less
of property be spared.

It is a!sacrifice indeed, Gentlemen, fori
expose my name to the evil tongned and
make it the butt cf false interpretations.

I telieTe thinly that the happiness of Cuba
and the weJia*e of humanity, censiao in the
pacification of this beautiful country ; and

maintain this in the presence of the whole

2> "??

universe, with my hand on my conscience
and head erect, as becomes a man of honor.
There is no man who is infallible, and
perhaps my opinions and determination
may be wrong; bat I can at least affirm
that I am acting in good faith, having for
sole object in view, the welfare of my coun-
try and of hnmanity, and making total
abstraction of my own personality, as well
as of my own interests.

I am not a time-server but a man of fixed
principles ; I am convinced of my opinions
and feel the energy of my convictions, I
now maintain what I have maintained since
the beginning of the revolution, even pre-
vious thereto^ My actual conduct is not
therefore an apostacy, but the energetic
continuance in my opinions and principles.
These I do not mean to impose on any one;
'* I merely make them known inviting all to
\ examine them in every detail, and I am sure
*. •, that they will follow my example. But, if
*•* # blind to reason and unmindful^of the events,
.•* jehieh for a year and a half have supported
"my predictions, they persist in a struggle
which I believe hopeless, let them keep on,
but without extending the horrors of war to
families* Let the women and children, whom
government wishes to foster and daily sup-
ports with rations of bread, rice, butter, &c,
come to the City ; and let you keep on, if
unfortunately you refuse to listen to the
voice of reason and of patriotism, in that
senseless contest, which you must later
repent having ever begun.
^ Reflect a moment; examine thoroughly,
and not merely the appearances of the si-
tuation, and you will see that the existing
strife is an unqualifiable mistake, and its
continuation an unparalleled blindness. The
country has been dragged into a revolution,
which the majority repudiated ;. — and not
only the majority in number, but in the elm-
racier of the persons. A small number, —
very small indeed, an iusignificant minority
has dragged on the majority , Where was
ever such a thing witnessed before, gentle-
men t What has become of the intelligence of
Cubans f Where are the energy and the in-
fluence of men of intelligence and character ?
., I know, and I am positive, that those of
*the majority think as I do; and nevertheless,
they act differently, only because they lack
resolution and are deceived by the few who
are interested in keeping up the revolution,
no matter by what means. The system,
followed thus far, is deceit, and the result
must be fatal. When a building is erected
on shifting foundations it must inevitably
crumble. I have striven during the Insurrec-
tion, pertinaciously and without remiss, in
disabusing the people so, that they could,
knowingly and conscientiously, make a
choice of what was for their interest; but
as this method is diametrically opposed to
that of some evil patriots, these latter have
waged a bitter and unfair war against me.
Cubans ! You have seen that I have always
been a protector to the people ; that I have
tried to enlighten them, that they might have
a participation in everything, and know
what they were doing, so as to follow their
own ideas and not be carried by others ; but
what has been the result ? I was treacher-
ously and illegally arrested, at the request
of those few who wish to rule the masses ;
I was sentenced to death, and over twenty
times have they tried to put an end to my
Wfe. And there are yet some who, in their
waywardness, seek my blood. Natural sense
shows clearly that, when an attempt is made
to annihilate him who speaks the truth, who
enlightens and never deceives ; who instead
of speculating on his fellow-countrymen
and growing rich on the revolution, makes
use of his own means to succor the masses
(let all Yaguajay speak); who never makes

use of any pressure to enforce his id^as ;
who allows himself to be ruined from the
neglect of his own interests, in order to give
himself up solely to the welfare of his mnn -
try ; does it not show clearly, I say, that
the attempt is made only because Ms ad-
versaries have different pretensions a&d a
different line of conduct from his ! Now,
what is this difference t It consists in -no
lence, deceit, the use of force, spoliation of
the neighbor, for one's own benefit ; it is tys
potism, based on the ignorance in wrjich
the people are kept. I have sought to h^ve
the country governed as it is its Wish tibe
governed, in accordance with universal suf-
frage ; your government, on the contrary,
pretend to rule it as they see fit. li&y
state that they want liberty for the people,
whilst the most cruel despotism weighs upop
you. You know, unfortunately, butij|o
well, that this is the clear and plain ^mh
for you suffer too many of its sad con»-
quences.

The people are told that from the United
States will come reinforcement and resour-
ces ; that there are elements to spare for the
continuation of the war ; that the Spanish
soldier carries a cartrich — box and wears
shoes of raw hide, and is short of pro visionl)
that there are no troops, nor will any come
from Spain ; that the taxes are ruining
country, &c, &c. Well, I, who do not J
against whom no one can cite a single
unworthy of a man of honor ; in whom the
Cubans have always had their last hope;
and through whose veins runs the blood of
real patriots, I tell you that all this is illu-
sion, deceit, and a fatal chimera. ^

The government of the United States
does not busy itself, nor can it, with the
Cuban Insurrection. Look at Article 16 of
the treaty of 1797, and you will learn that
they cannot favor the Cubans in the least
efficacious way, without failing in national
dignity and exposing themselves to a coali*
tion against themselves. That government
is too polished and financially shrewd, to
compromise itself in a war that would en-
tail serious mischief upon its commerce ;
and, moreover, there are other motives that
would be too lengthy to detail.

Elements to spare, are neither in ther
country nor in the hands of the New York|
Junta, who have made great outlays and

ie aot

thing. From Spain have come 40,000 men,
and millions would be sent, if necessar;
There are no taxes ; they have all
suppressed, even the tithe : the

I houses are filled with tobacco, sugar, hides,
&e., to the value of many millions of
dollars, that the territory which is occupied
by the Cubans in insurrection is in a culti-
vated and producing condition, such as has
never before been witnessed, even during
years of the greatest? abundance ; that thou-
sands of percussion caps are daily made ;
that he (Quesada) left here under commis-
sion of importance, after having temporarily
put Jordan in command, under instructions,
as well as the other leaders, &c, &c, to an
endless length. I address yon, fellow-
co tin try-men, who are there on the ground
of this insurrection whence I have lately
come. You all, as well as myself, know that
all these things are false, entirely false.

Quesada states that he has gone to seek
means and bring arms, with which to end
the insurrection, but for what does he need
them, if he lias 61,000 ment Is it possible that it
Bhouid, not occur to the inhabitants of New-
York to ask him what need he has of more
means, when he has so many thousand men'?
when he has over 20,000 arms and can make
more, as well as powder and caps f Why has
not that soldier of fourteen years campaign-
ing taken possession, with that army, of one
single town, at least, wherein to locate the
government of the republic f Why has he not
captured one single port through which to
get aid, export the productions of the coun-
try, to the value of millions, and thus ac
quire a right to recognition as belligerents f
Where are those schools ? Where are those
.churches f Have those at Guaimaro and Si-
banicii, which were burned by that renowned
general been perchance rebuilt f Why are
the soldiers unshod, or wearing strips of raw
hide, if 3000 shoes are made weekly and
4000 hides tanned per month % Were is flie
abundance for the soldier 1 Were has he got
coffee, rice, tobacco, &c. t Where are those
sugaring-mjUs in regular running order ?
Where are those warehouses, that contain
millions ? Where is that rich growth when not
only there is no cultivation going on, but
government orders to destroy and lay waste
the cultivation that was in existence t
Where are those cap-factories ? Are a few
samples of such caps to be taken for thou-
sands 1 Then, as to the commission of Ma-
nuel Quesada and his separation from
command, do you not know, as well as I do,

now begin to assert that the Cubans'shouidj that he was ignominiously deposed by the
provide themselves with arms, by taking Chamber; and that, during his stay in Cuba,
them from the enemy. The Spanish soldier^ from his first arrival, his conduct has been
is to-day better provided for than in ordin- blameworthy, under all aspects f
ary times, and he has abundance of every- f Well then, Cubans, this is the plan fol

houses yield now more than in ordinary
times ; and if the country ddes not enjoy
greater franchises, it is due to the situation
in which it is at present. So you see that
you are being deceived and, not only your-
selves, but also the Junta at New York and
the whole world, as I shall pro?e,

I have just read a manifesto of Manuel
Quesada, published in New York under date
of the 8th. inst., in which he sets astray
entirely the opinion that should be formed
of the state of the insurrection. I shall tear
off the bandage. He states that the Cuban
army numbers 61,000 that there are here
five powder factories; that fire-arms are
manufactured here, as well as swords and
bayonets; that there are thirteen public
schools and thirteen churches; that 3000
shoes are made every week and 4000 hides
tanned every month ; that the soldier re-
ceives, for daily ration, beef, sugar, coffee,
vegetables and rice at his discretion, to-
bacco, &c.;that there are many sugar mills,
grinding for the state ; that several ware-

lowed from the beginning of the revolution,
"'hey are deceiving you and our brethren in
ew York, as well as the whole world. For
tes& rcft& o pfl I say that the edifice i& raised
bn insecure and imaginary foundations. For
these reasons have I always tried to unde
eeive the country and let them see cleariy,
so as to prevent Cuba from sinking into the
abyss wherein she is intended to be cast.
Withal I have not been understood. There
has been * 4 no lack of some one who, out of
exaltation, and under the pressure of some
sad aberration, has qualified my conduct as
treasonable. Ah,! Whoever stated tt that knows
not even the meaning of his words ! When
did I ever recognize this government ? Ne-
ver ; but, rather have I always been in
opposition thereto ^:r as I wish my coun-
try's welfare, I c< not second an illegal,
arbitrary, despotic government, that is anni-
hilating our land.

They recognize their error, but they have
not loyalty enough to confess it ; they are
aware that they are neither statesmen, nor
lovers of liberty, nor patriots, and their
consciences sting them ; they know that I
have always seen farther than they could,
and more clearly ; that all my predictions *

have been fulfilled ; that I have been alone
in maintaining energetically my principles,
bearing up against all kinds of privation
and danger ; and they do not forgive me
for these advantages over them; they know
that my past and my present career have
been free from all stain, and they do not
forgive me for that,

Well, if to have thus behaved ; to have
made entire abstraction of self and my in-
terests, to look after the welfare of Cuba ;
to have done harm to no one, but much
good ; far from having taken life, to have
saved the lives of many, without distinction
of nationality; to have respected always
the property of others, and never have let
my hand touch the incendiary torch ; &[•
forward pacification, when I know that tU$*
country needs it, and that, by it alone, ean
tears, blood and destruction be prevented J^-
if to have done all this constitutes tqB&cn,
ah ! then I am a traitor ; yes, Gentiejactena, I
am one and feel proud of it. **•*

Your government claims to favor liberty
for the country; why then does it not consent
to freedom of one's principles t Why does it
not admit of neutrality f Why does it force
people to take up arms without distinction
of persons f Why has it always been op-
posed to speaking out in public f Why did it
oppose the country's acceptance, if it so chose,
of General Bulce's concessions ! Why does
it persecute to death t whoever tries to separate
himself from said government, without
having any intention of waging war against
it % Why "? I will tell you.- Because then
there would remain in the camp of the insur-
rection only a dozen men; the only ones interested
in the continuance of this tear between
brethren ; this war of desolation and exter-
mination.

I agree that there was reason for the Cu-
ban people to complain and be resentful
against the government that ruled them j
but all this has changed, not only with re-
gard to the institution but as to the manner
of being, as well. I am myself an example
of what I state. I presented myself to the
Captain General who received me in such a
way as to prove, by his manner alone, his
good wishes; even if these were not confirm-
ed by the conduct which he followed in the
Villas and wherever he has been able to
make the impress of his own feelings be
felt. In his proclamation he offers a pardon
to all who will present themselves ; but as
every medal has its reverse, so whoever
fails to do so, must suffer the cold and in-
exorable rigor of the law.

Fellow-countrymen, my brethren, let us
throw a veil orer the past. Let us look to
the future of our families and to the pros-
perity of our nation. . . . . ^

You know well how many persecutions,
privations, and even vexations I have suf-
fered. I forget it all and forgive, from my
heart, all who sought my death and wanted
my blood. I forgive all who, directly or
indirectly, have offended me, of whatever
nation or condition they may be. I sacri-
fice all, all, on the altar of my country, and
for the welfare of humanity. Why do you
not follow my example ?

Brethren ! let there be no more tears, no
more blood, no more ruins ! Return to your
firesides and let a fraternal embrace unite
forever both Spaniards and Cubans, and let
us all together make of this beautiful Island,
— the Pearl of the Antillas, — the Pearl also
of the world. Cubans, I await you, and the
undeserved consideration shown to me by
the first authority at Cuba, which fortunate-
ly is held hj Sefior Don Antonio Caballero
de Eodas, I offer to use in your behalf. For
myself, I only seek the satisfaction of hav-
ing always forwarded the welfare of Cuba.
Napoleon Arango.

March 28th 1870.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

3 9015 02874 7007

F

17S5
.A66

Arango, Napoleon

The Cuban Rebellion.
Address.